GODFATHERISM AND POLITICAL CONFLICT IN NIGERIA
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GODFATHERISM AND POLITICAL CONFLICT IN NIGERIA
CHAPITRE ONE
1.1 INTRODUCTION
The human species will never be free of problems until governmental authority is given to the philosopher “Plato Republic.” My first approach to the topic’s challenge is that we have no choice but to return to the fundamental context in which Nigerians see the godfather or the conflicts as a component of the political process as well as the figure, standing in opposition to intellectual extrapolations originating in, and also sustained by, the media.
When measured against David Easton’s definition, politics as a notion could be claimed to have existed as early as any formal or informal grouping or organisation of individuals. According to the Eastonian definition,
politics is the “authoritarian allocation of scare values.” This definition could also be viewed from the standpoint of the struggle for political power will to authoritatively allocate these values,
beginning with influencing decisions about who gets what, when, and how, and culminating in the contestation for the right to veto the implementation of the decisions made.
However, the preceding quick review of the notion of politics reveals certain crucial variables, including the values of resources available to be shared amongst members of the scarce and cannot adequately satisfy the requirements of every member of the group.
This is why an authority is required to decide on the allocation of these finite resources, ostensibly in line with order of importance. Another thing to consider is that because the decision of ‘what’
somebody gets from the system is made at the points of who makes up the authority of allocation, there are confrontations and disagreements at these decision points.
When the two preceding variables are combined, it is evident that the political process is one that may be referred to as WAR. And if all of these problems cannot be settled amicably through resolutions, the system is in crisis.
The trend of ‘political godfatherism,’ which stems from the creators or sustainers of a particular component of reality, a persons to whom considerable value is ascribed. We can see that there is a relationship between godfather and god-child, with godchild being a child for whom one accepts responsibility by making promises to help grow in a sphere of life,
and god-fatherism has become one of the most serious problems confronting the Nigerian political system. It breeds corruption because you must make returns (he who sows bountifully reapeth bountifully).
Because he who pays the piper calls the tune, the holder of the political office becomes a stooge to his godfather. When a godson refuses to accept their (godfathers’) demands, he is finally impeached from political position (what a man sowth, that he reaps).
Anenih – Igbinedion, the Sariki – Lawal squabble, the Nwobodo – Nnamani quagmire, the Adebibu – Ladoja crisis, the Uba – Ngige sage, and all other godfather – protégé crises in Nigeria not only pose a serious threat to our democratic experiment, but also to the very essence and validity of our existence as a nation.
The billions of naira spent by Nigerian godfathers to fund their godsons’ elections have completely commercialised elections in Nigeria, automatically disqualifying persons of dignity, character,
and integrity from holding elected public offices. Without a doubt, the phenomenon has taken on this odd form since the establishment of civil government in Nigeria on May 29, 1999.
It all began with the feud between chief Anthony Anenih (godfather) and Lucky Igbinedion (protégé), the governor of Edo State from May 1999 to May 2003. Chief A. Anenih was accused of endorsing Lucky Igbinedion over other candidates for governor of the state and also funding his campaign expenditures.
But Lucky Igbinedion failed to reciprocate the gift of Anenih by not offering him appropriate government patronage and by acting in ways as faithful ‘godson’.
Dr. Jim Nwobodo (godfather) and Dr. Chimaroke Nnamani (protégé) of Enugu State were involved in the incident. Despite this, the godson eventually conquered the godfather after a violent battle for the state’s soul. Godfatherism in Nigerian Politics, Essence Library, 2004, p. 64.
However, during President Olusegun Obasanjo’s second term, the phenomenon of godfatherism grows more disturbing and harmful to Nigeria’s fledgling democracy. Adebidu (godfather) and Ladoja (protégé) battle for the spirit of Oyo in South-West Nigeria, affecting government and reenacting political bloodshed for which the state was famed.
In the end, Ladoja defeated the incumbent governor, Alhaji Lam Adeshina of the Alliance for Democracy (AD), in the State gubernatorial election. He was finally sworn in on May 29, 2003. When Adedibu said that he would appoint 80 percent of the new commissioners and special advisers, Ladoja decided to move quickly.
He duped Adedibu into taking a much-needed vacation abroad, and he ensured that the House of Assembly’s speaker, Moroof Olawale Atilola, instantly accepted his list of commissioners, effectively breaking the contract between Adedibu and Ladoja.
Adedibu and Ladoja’s hostility was on show during the electioneering campaign for the March 27, 2004 Local Government Elections. Ladoja was left to his own ways until he was swallowed through “impeachment” by the tiger he was riding in 2003. (Celetine Okafor, January 14, 2006, The Ladoja Impeachment).
Another significant incident occurred in Anambra State, involving Chris Uba (godfather) and Chris Ngige (protégé). Looting, bloodletting, gubernatorial kidnapping,
and judicial ambushes have become commonplace occurrences in Anambra State following the godson’s oath-taking at the Okija shrine. Until March 16th, 2006. Ngige, the godson, was finally ousted from office. Godfatherism in Nigerian Politics, Essence Library, 2004, p.65.
This problem reflected how it has always been in the Nigerian politics in terms of the political elites in society. They are high and mighty, with the ability to have their way in every scenario, and practically every crisis observed is the result of musceflexing amongst them and amongst themselves.
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
The following introduction to this work tries to provide an adequate and thorough summary and highlights of the many points and forms of manifestation political tensions in Nigeria’s fourth republic. This was done in conjunction with a brief description of the concepts of “godfatherism” and “political conflicts” in any system,
society, or political grouping, as well as taking into account the frequency of these crisis circumstances in Nigeria as a nation. Haven examined the concept’s various manifestations. It is appropriate that we try to identify the problem(s) that produced a supporting atmosphere for these crises to blow and grow.
The investigation of the above-mentioned political problems revealed the first issue: pervasive corruption, which is aided by unpatriotism. Nigeria has consistently been ranked among the top five most corrupt countries, propelled by greed for the concept of patriotism,
which has resulted in the average Nigerian viewing politics and government as a vehicle for exploitation and self-aggrandizement. So, while the people yearn for a new leadership,
they stick to mercantilism and do everything in the hope of monetary gains and kickbacks. Anambra, Oyo, Enugu, Edo, and other states are still prime examples of this condition.Political Disagreement
The second easily recognised concern in the complete case scenario of the political disputes in Oyo, Anambra, Kwara, Edo, Borno, and other states is “Elitism.” While recognising elitism as a problem is not universally recognised.Political Disagreement
Another issue that could be considered an extension of the preceding problem notion is political godfatherism. Political godfatherism is a phenomenon that, while prevalent around the world, has taken on troubling and concerning dimensions and proportions in the United States today.
It is now necessary to have powerful political godfathers before standing for any election position or even political posts. Unfortunately, like in Anambra, Oyo,
and Edo, most of these godfathers give their services only in exchange for money bribes that are disturbingly large and lavish, in contrast to the expected norm of service to the people.Political Discord.
1.3 HIPPOTHESIS
During the course of the project, the following hypothesis will be tested.
1. The more monetized the political system, the greater the power of the godfathers.
2. The more significant the godfathers’ activities, the greater the danger of political instability.
3. The more elected officials rely on godfathers, the poorer the populace become.
1.4 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
(1) To seek to uncover the Godfatherism and consequences of political disputes by investigating the different identifiable causes and consequences of the Edo State war in Nigeria’s fourth republic.
(2) To thoroughly prove that political disputes had become Nigeria’s constant bedfellow, a vivid investigation of the Edo State Government crisis was conducted.
(3) Finally, to propose a solution to the recognised reasons of these political conflicts in order to prevent their sporadic occurrence in Nigeria.Political Disagreement
1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
The essence of this study is self-explanatory in its presentation of the different facts that comprise the Edo State situation in question. This research aims to offer us with a full overview of these state crises as well as an in-depth and exhaustive (as much as feasible) analysis of the many forces at work in the story. This is in order to establish a long-term solution and so avoid a recurrence of the abnormality in Nigerian politics.
It is also undeniable that other researchers might further investigate this area of research, as a few others have done before me, utilising this work/study as a springboard. This could be accomplished by providing strength and support to some of the concepts or hypotheses promoted by this effort.
It could potentially be accomplished by correcting some or all of the mistakes that I inadvertently committed during the course of my investigation.
All of this would help to guide observers and future researchers of this area of study to the best stock of intellectually analytic compilation on the topic.
The completion of all of these would undoubtedly be beneficial in preventing a future replication of the faults that are currently a hindrance to our development.Political Disagreement
Finally, it should be mentioned that this work might be seen as an addition to the vast majority of academic and intellectual attempts and submissions on this and similar themes, notably in Nigeria.
In the end, this work will be considered as another ray of light aimed at the myriad political upheavals that have bedevilled the country, particularly in recent years.Political Disagreement
1.6 OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY
Although the topic of political disputes is widely acknowledged and debated, the scope of this research would be limited to Edo State in Nigeria, and the time range of study would be the fourth republic (1999-today).Political Disagreement
The reason for this is that what is happening in the state reflects a national trend. Furthermore, any attempt to provide a long-term solution to the problem is hoped to have an impact on the entire nation.Political Disagreement
METHODOLOGY 1.7
Because the nature of this research necessitates the use of secondary sources of data, efforts will be made to collect secondary sources in literature such as books, periodicals,
newspapers, journals, the internet, and other similar resources. The primary source would be questionnaires distributed to voters in the Oredo Local Government Area of Edo State, Nigeria.Political Disagreement
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